Anthropology of Entangled Colonialisms @ Purdue

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Hometown Racism

by Maximillian Xavier Malavenda (3rd year, Department of Anthropology, Purdue University)

The original Ku Klux Klan, one of the most widely recognized white supremacist hate groups in American history was founded by a group of Confederate soldiers in Tennesse in 1865 after the Civil War^[1]. However, one less educated on the history of the Ku Klux Klan may be surprised to know that during the second iteration of the Ku Klux Klan, which lasted from 1915 to 1944, it was largely targeting midwestern states not part of the original Confederate States and was largely based out of Indiana^[2]. Additionally, while being a northern Union State, Indiana had been no stranger to white nationalist groups in its history prior to the Ku Klux Klan establishing itself in Indiana, as it had also experienced the presence of the notoriously secretive Know Nothing political party in the mid-1850s^[3], predating the Civil War and the formation of the Ku Klux Klan. While less prominent, the existence of hate groups of all kinds as well as white nationalist groups in particular can be seen at various points going further forward through Indiana’s history, even in contemporary times. Occasionally, this presence can even be felt directly in the greater Lafayette Area, and more specifically on Purdue’s campus. Through my research I have sought out to document this history, how it stretches into our present day and in what forms, and what things may potentially allow for their continued existence, specifically in the greater Lafayette area.

While, similar to later hate groups in Indiana, the Know Nothings operated largely anonymously, their methods to get and advocate for what they wanted were much different. By utilizing their large numbers, the Know Nothings would attempt to achieve their xenophobic goals by organizing around specific political candidates who were either secretly members of their ranks or at least aligned with their ideology, a prospect with which they were very successful.^[6] The party was able to send nine out of the eleven possible candidates they supported to congress in an October 10th, 1854 election, all of whom except for one were Know Nothings themselves^[7]. They also were effective in sweeping politics on a local level, with many Indiana cities including Lafayette being cited as places where the group had been successful. However, with the impending Civil War only a few years away, the Know Nothing party quickly and quietly fell apart as the issue of slavery became the dominant and most pressing political topic of the time^[8].

While the Civil War contributed to the decline of the Know Nothings, as previously mentioned the same event eventually led to the establishment of the original Ku Klux Klan. This would not be the same Klan that would eventually find itself in Indiana, though. The second iteration of the Ku Klux Klan would not come until 1915, and would not be a significant presence in Indiana until after World War One in 1920^[9]. Unlike the Know Nothings, while the Ku Klux Klan would protect their identities with their infamous white cloak and mask outfit, they were much more open about their presence in the state. Klansmen in Indiana were so outspoken in their presence, that the state fair in 1922 featured a Klan day, established by a bill in the Indiana General Assembly, which even consisted of a cross burning at night^[10]. Another illustration of how widespread the The Klan was in Indiana at the time is that while overall the Klan was at some of their highest membership numbers ever, in Indiana alone it was reported that from July 1922 to July 1923 the were gaining approximately two-thousand new members every week. Additionally, at one point the Klan had about 250,000 members in Indiana. This was not only the highest concentrated membership level in any state, but also on its own a significant portion of the white male population of Indiana at about 30%^[11].

While it could be argued that the Indiana branch of the Ku Klux Klan may have focused just as much on issues of prohibition and immigration (although immigration at the time was mostly european) and less on issues of white supremacy in comparison to the other branches across the country^[12], I find it important to still acknowledge the statistics of the scale of the Klan in Indiana, as even if they may have been less outwardly dangerous to the African American community, the Klan already has years of preceding reputation to the contrary, especially through media glorifying the Klan’s past such as the 1915 film The Birth of a Nation^{^[13]}, that, when coupled with these daunting membership numbers, there would likely have been a feeling of unsafety as a racial or ethnic minority in Indiana.

While the Indiana Ku Klux Klan lost much of its membership after its leader at the time, D.C. Stephenson, had been convicted of the rape and murder of Madge Oberholtzer^[14], there to this day exists the presence of hate groups similar to the Klan in Indiana. According to the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Hate Map, Indiana is home the presence of about 24 different hate groups, as well as the headquarters of at least 7. Two such groups are modern day incarnations of the Klan, The Honorable Sacred Knights of the Ku Klux Klan based in Madison, Indiana and the Church of the National Knights of the Klu Klux Klan basd in South Bend, Indiana^[15]. When focusing on Purdue University’s West Lafayette campus, two other hate groups in particular have made their presence known: Vanguard America, a neo-nazi movement, and Identity Evuropa, and white nationalist movement.

In 2016, unidentified persons left about half a dozen posters in the Stanley Coulter Building that conveyed white supremacist messages. The posters were courtesy of white supremacist website then known as American Vangaurd (now Vanguard America), and said things such as, “We Have A Right To Exist,” and, “White Guilt: Free Yourself From Cultural Marxism.” Additionally, the American Vanguard Twitter account suggested that the act was perpetrated by students of Purdue University^[16]. Vanguard America is one of the groups that helped in the organization of the Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia which led to the death of counter-protester Heather Heyer at the hand of James Fields, somebody who self identified with Vanguard America, who drove his car into a crowd and hitting Heyer^[17].

Within a year of this, a similar incident took place in which Identity Evropa also left posters of theirs around campus. However, when asked to make statements condemning these posters on both occasions, Purdue University President and former Governor Mitch Daniels decided it would be in the University’s as well as the student’s best interests if a comment were not made, as to not draw attention to the groups in question. In reference to the posters, Daniels said “This is a transparent effort to bait people into overreacting, thereby giving a minuscule fringe group attention it does not deserve, and that we decline to do.”^[18]

However, Daniels’s comment that the act was perpetrated by a “miniscule fringe group” does not hold up to scrutiny. Again citing the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Hate Map, as of 2018 there were at least 38 different chapters of Identity Evropa in 31 different states^[19]. It could also be argued that this complacent and dismissive silence, both by Daniels in particular and in a much broader sense, actually has the opposite effect that Daniels described. By not openly condemning instances of race based hate that occur under his purview, Daniels may be sending a message to these groups that what they are doing is not bad enough to warrant a response, meaning that if they were to do it again it would likely again be met with no response. Additionally, not only may this send a message to those who committed the act itself, but to those targeted by the act, namely racial and ethnic minorities, that acts committed which are fueled by hate towards them will not be condemned, potentially leading to a feeling of unsafety, similar to the presence of the Klan.

This feeling of safety and welcome for minority students is not something Purdue University necessarily has the best track record with to begin with. In the 1960s, the Purdue University Athletics Department led by Guy “Red” Mackey had three clashes with black student athletes, most notably when Mackey attempted to stop black cheerleader Pam King from doing the black salute during the national anthem at athletic events^[20]. Going even further back in history, it is fairly likely West Lafayette was a sundown town, meaning that whether by codified law, through housing discrimination, or by threat, it was either illegal or highly unsafe for black people to stay in the city after dark and especially live within the city^[21]. This meant that for black students who already would have likely been facing discriminatio from their peers, they had to face the extra barrier of finding a place to live outside of campus while still attending classes.

Having compiled all of this information into this brief format, going forward I would like to utilize my research in a more proactive means. This may manifest itself in a few different forms. One potential productive use for this research would be to work with student activist groups on Purdue’s campus. By being able to provide research onto the history of topics that are relevant today and that groups on campus may be facing, these groups will hopefully not only be able to better contextualize contemporary issues in the history that fostered such issues in the first place, but also potentially be able to learn from past instances and approach contemporary ones more effectively. The other way I see myself moving forward with this research would be compiling it with research I have done separately into the history of black student protests and issues at Purdue University and making it all available online. However, I would first like to go more in depth with the research I have done here. In particular, while there is plenty of information available on how groups such as the Know Nothings infiltrated the political system in Indiana, there is significantly less information on how, once in a political office, these individuals would shape the laws and practices of the government at their respective levels. With this sort of information, it would be easier to illustrate the lasting effect of these groups, potentially all the way to the present day. However, even without this additional research, this timeline of hate groups clearly illustrates that these groups are not an anomaly of contemporary times, but have instead had a continued presence not only in Indiana, but in the greater Lafayette area.

^[1] “KKK Founded.” History, August 26, 2019. https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/kkk-founded.

^[2] “The Golden Era of Indiana,” The History Museum, December 7, 2019. https://historymuseumsb.org/ the-golden-era-of-indiana/

^[3] Brand, Carl Fremont. “The History of the Know Nothing Party In Indiana.” Indiana Magazine of History 18, no. 1 (1922): p. 47-81. http://www.jstor.org/stable/27786019

^[4] Ibid. p. 47.

^[5] Ibid. p. 53.

^[6] Ibid. p. 75.

^[7] Ibid. p. 76.

^[8] Maine Historical Society. Maine: a history, Volume 1. The American historical society, 1919. https://books.google.com/books?id=Sg0hAQAAMAAJ&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false.

^[9] “The Golden Era of Indiana,” The History Museum, December 7, 2019. https://historymuseumsb.org/ the-golden-era-of-indiana/

^[10] Gugin, Linda C; St. Clair, James E. The governors of Indiana. Indianapolis : Indiana Historical Society Press in cooperation with the Indiana Historical Bureau. 2006. https://archive.org/details/ isbn_9780871951960/page/n463.

^[11] “The Golden Era of Indiana,” The History Museum, December 7, 2019. https://historymuseumsb.org/ the-golden-era-of-indiana/

^[12] Ibid.

^[13] Ibid.

^[14] Jordan Fischer. “The History of Hate in Indiana: How the Ku Klux Klan took over Indiana’s halls of power.” RTV6 Indianapolis. August 13, 2018. https://www.theindychannel.com/longform/the-ku-klux- klan-ran-indiana-once-could-it-happen-again

^[15] “States: Indiana” Southern Poverty Law Center. December 7, 2019. https://www.splcenter.org/ states/indiana

^[16] Dave Bangert. “Bangert: Faceless supremacists at Purdue.” Journal & Courier. November 30, 2016. https://www.jconline.com/story/opinion/columnists/dave-bangert/2016/11/30/bangert-nameless-faceless-supremacists-purdue/94682330/.

^[17] Sasha Ingber. “Neo-Nazi James Fields Gets 2nd Life Sentence For Charlottesville Attack.” NPR. July 15, 2019. https://www.npr.org/2019/07/15/741756615/virginia-court-sentences-neo-nazi-james-fields-jr-to -life-in-prison.

^[18] Meghan Holden. “White supremacist group posts fliers at Purdue.” Journal & Courier. September 18, 2017. https://www.jconline.com/story/news/college/2017/09/18/white-supremacist-group-boasts-poster- campaign-purdue/67847 8001/.

^[19] “Hate Map.” Southern Poverty Law Center. December 7, 2019. https://www.splcenter.org/hate-map.

^[20] Stephanie Salter. “Pam King Raises a Verbal Fist.” The Purdue Exponent. December 19, 1968. Vol. 84, No. 67, 3.

^[21] Jim Loewen. “Possible Sundown Towns in IN.” The Homepage of James W. Loewen. December 7, 2019. https://sundown.tougaloo.edu/sundowntownsshow.php?state=IN.

Maternal Care Among Migrants in the U.S.

By Taylor Robbins (4th year, Dept. of Anthropology, Purdue University)

Birth is perhaps one of the most unifying human experiences. Yet, as a natural process it can also pose incredible risk depending on who and where you are. Not everyone has anequal chance of healthy outcomes in this universal and commonly occurring experience. In Anthropology 392, we examined the different meanings of borders, migration, and walls. In doing so, we often examined what it means to behuman, what divides us and what brings us together, and what geopolitical circumstances can determine in one’s life experiences as compared to another’s. In addressing maternal care among migrants in the U.S., I was perplexed by the massive consequences of migration and borders, which for many can mean life or death. In something so unifying such as birth and pregnancy, one would think that unifying structural and cultural accommodations would follow. However, as I will be explaining further on in this paper, it will be evident that health outcomes for migrant women are complex, and with that require holistic solutions.

In this paper I will be examining the intersection of migration and maternal health in North America by delving into the impacts that public health, policy, social support, and culture have on this topic. Maternal health is multifaceted and a vulnerable time for women and their infants. Additionally, migration is a highly politicized and complex topic in the U.S. Migration involves structural and systemic entities, and the journey of deeply meaningful cultural practices, ideas, and values with the movement of people. Through my research, I wanted to involve aspects of different anthropological perspectives and studies to present a deeper understanding of this topic and examine the ways in which people are working to improve maternal and infant health among migrant women in the U.S.

Health issues during and after pregnancy can range from psychological distress, complications during birth, and even death (Almeida et al. 2013). Migrants face complex and multilayered obstacles in their daily lives, and often times these issues are compounded in healthcare. Obstacles can include and are not limited to, difficulties with legal processes, language and cultural barriers, access to healthcare, and quality of healthcare(Gangon et al. 2013). In this paper, I also wanted to emphasize not only the importance of systemic support but social support during and after pregnancy as well. The issues surrounding health outcomes of migrant women in the United States serve as an example of the current state of policy and quality of healthcare, and a testament on the U.S.’s prioritization of social justice in reproductive health.

As previously mentioned, female immigrant populations are particularly vulnerable. According to Almeida et al. (2013)in “Maternal Healthcare in Migrants: A Systematic Review”, “They [migrant women] are also frequently exposed to biological and psychological risks when confronted with new contexts, environments and lifestyles that tend to accentuate situations of social vulnerability” (p. 1346). Paired with pregnancy, these stressors can have detrimental effects. The majority of studies published between 1990 and 2012 on maternal healthcare in immigrant populations point to higher health risks in immigrants, increased co-morbidity in some populations, reduced access to healthcare, poorer communication between women and caregivers, increased mortality rates in mothers and infants, and higher rates of postpartum depression. Additionally, health outcomes tended to be worse without legal documentation (Almeida et al. 2013). “Approximately 95 million women are international migrants worldwide and female immigrants have recently outnumbered men in most industrialized countries” (Macfarlane et al. 2010, 243). Over half of the world’s international migrants are women and there must be a call to action in providing safe, inclusive health care targeted towards almost 48 million people worldwide. Although prenatal and perinatal care play an important role in the outcomes and wellbeing of mothers and infants, many immigrants face challenges in accessing such care. Many immigrant women have stated that language and cultural barriers between themselves and healthcare providers are a large deterrent from seeking medical services. Additionally, difficulties accessing reliable transportation, financial hardship, uncertainties about legal barriers, and the presence of close, quality healthcare clinics all play a role in deterring women from utilizing prenatal and perinatal services (Gangon et al. 2013)

Outside of structural impacts on maternal healthcare, culture plays a large role in health behavior and outcomes. InKrista M. Perreira’s “Migration and Health Behaviour during Pregnancy”, Perreira’s findings explained the negative impact that Western cultural influence can sometimes have on immigrant behavior during pregnancy. Such behaviors can include smoking and drinking after migrating to the U.S. These changes in behavior may be attributed to increased income after migration which makes tobacco and alcohol more affordable, migrants living in urban areas where there is heavy tobacco and alcohol product advertisement, breakdown of previous culture norms that may lead to appeal in smoking and drinking, and use of tobacco by cohabitating partners (Perrieira, 2008). Additionally, most intervention programs are targeted towards white, middle class populations. These findings accentuate thatit is of incredible importance to create intervention programs that are targeted towards migrants and ethnic and racial minorities. Health programs and initiatives surrounding tobacco and alcohol use are not the only ones that are allowing immigrants to slip through the cracks. Although seemingly unrelated to structural forces surrounding maternal care, the wider scope of public health influence on immigrant populations must be holistic in order to create better health outcomes for mothers and infants.

It is important to remember that there are a wide variety of immigrant populations and one statement cannot act as a blanket to all maternal immigrant health issues. While much literature and research has been devoted to uncovering poor quality of healthcare experiences among immigrant women, there are also cases of contradiction. For example, the healthy migrant effect, which occurs in mostly Hispanic and Eastern European women. In this case, better perinatal outcomes are caused by the formation of informal family networks and healthier behaviors during pregnancy after migrating to the U.S. (Almeida et al. 2013). This contradicts most literature about negative outcomes in immigrant maternal health. Another positive outcome seen in immigrant maternal health is among Puerto Rican women. In a study conducted by Nancy S. Landale and R. S. Oropesa, surprising results were found of maternal health outcomes. “Migration, Social Support and Perinatal Health: An Origin-Destination Analysis of Puerto Rican Women” compared the maternal health outcomes “across generations of residence in the United States” (Landale & Oropesa, 2001 p. 166-167). More specifically, this study examined the impacts of social support on maternal health. Most studies agree that close friends and family members typically encourage positive health practices and thus create positive health outcomes for migrants. This study questioned the impact that migration had on social ties by comparing migrants in the U.S. to nonimmigrants in the origin country, Puerto Rico. Primary literature promotes the idea that exposure to U.S. culture deteriorates Puerto Rican family bonding and weakens gradually throughout future generations (Landale & Oropesa, 2001). Although specific research aboutinfluence of social support on health is limited in immigrant groups, research on general populations show that social support has strong influence over health. Interestingly, influence from social support is equally strong whether or not the behavior is seen as good or bad. For example, social support can act as peer influence on healthy eating habits or smoking habits (Landale & Oropesa, 2001). Positive social support can decrease stress and therefore create healthy impacts while negative social support can increase stress and create poor health outcomes. Puerto Rico is a distinct case because it “occupies ambiguous political, economic, and cultural statuses” in the U.S. (Landale & Oropesa, 2001 p. 169). The study specifically measured social support, perinatal health, migration status, and socioeconomic and demographic control variables in addition to other control variables. Social support was further measured by whether or not the mother had a co-resident partner, a mother who lived within ½ hour distance, and the number of relatives living within a ½ hour distance. Stress was measured on a scale from “no stress” to “a very great deal of stress” experienced by the mother. Perinatal health was measured by whether or not the mother smoked during pregnancy, weight gain of the mother during pregnancy, infant birthweight, and if the mother participated in early prenatal care. Migration status was determined by mothers born in Puerto Rico living in Puerto Rico at the time of birth, mothers who were born in Puerto Rico but moved to the U.S. by the time of birth, and mothers who were born in the U.S. and lived in the U.S. by the time of birth. Socioeconomic and demographic control variables included categories of mother’s family of origin, education, maternal age, number of children, employment status, and poverty. Finally, additional control variables took into account whether or not the mother wanted to become pregnant and medical risk factors.

The findings of this study were that for each social support variable, Puerto Rican women living in Puerto Rico at the time of birth had the most social support. Early prenatal care was consistent among the three groups, however Puerto Rican born migrants to the U.S. engaged in the least amount of early prenatal care. In regards to infant birth weight, migrant women were less likely to have low infant birth rates as compared to nonimmigrant women in Puerto Rico. It is hypothesized that family ties and social support cohesion is influenced bymigration, which would have a positive impact on health outcomes and that “explanations of the better-than-expected health outcomes of immigrant groups often emphasize aspects of immigrants’ home cultures” (Landale & Oropesa, 2001 p. 178). Overall, the findings of this study reflect Puerto Rican culture in regards to social support and ties. The positive news is that mothers born in Puerto Rico who immigrated to the U.S. by the time of birth did not display dramatically different birth outcomes for maternal and infant health.

While immigrant women “currently contribute more than one fifth of all live births in the USA and several European countries” (Macfarlane et al. 2010, p. 243), there is still a lack of solid research that describes a consistent relationship between migration status and perinatal health. Although the existence of disparities in birth outcomes in the U.S. between ethnic groups are well established, there is little literature that sheds light on the influence that migration has on these disparities (Macfarlane et al. 2010). This is one avenue of future research that could greatly improve knowledge about immigrants and ways to support maternal healthcare among them.

Many times, immigrant women may be wary to seek healthcare or speak up about their experiences due to fears of deportation or other political and legal actions against them. Anthropology can act as a safe way for women’s voices to be heard in order to bring forth their experiences to a wider audience and highlight social injustices. Wider discussions about maternal care open up discussions about reproductive health and reproductive justice. Both act to respond to the needs of individuals, assume access to service to improve reproductive health outcomes, and rely on other disciplines and fields to collaborate and improve reproductive health and justice (Golichenko & Sarang, 2013).

Despite the importance of prenatal and perinatal care, hospitals are required to provide emergency healthcare services, such as labor and delivery services, regardless of one’sdocumentation status or availability of insurance. Many hospitals and healthcare providers become patient advocates and important caretakers. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists is devoted towards improving the health outcomes of immigrants, both authorized and unauthorized, as a means to providing equal quality care and improving the nation’s health. According to the organization, health professionals can have a direct impact on improving access to healthcare for unauthorized immigrants by advocating for immigrant health in a political, cultural, and clinical settings, providing culturally diverse office atmospheres, and supporting healthcare initiatives that include immigrants (The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, 2015). Unauthorized immigrants are not eligible for Medicaid;however, they do have access to emergency Medicaid that covers labor. Additionally, the Affordable Care Act of 2010 does not support unauthorized immigrants. Despite structural barriers to healthcare, The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists advocates for inclusive, comprehensive, and culturally sensitive quality healthcare for immigrant women. Additionally, groups such as the March of Dimes and Every Mother Counts (EMC) are nonprofits that advocate for the support of all mothers despite socioeconomic status, race, ethnic background, or citizenship.

In conclusion, overall there is a need for more research and literature to be produced on this topic in addition to more awareness and resources devoted towards improving the healthoutcomes and experiences of immigrant women in the U.S. Although there are some positive outcomes such as those seen in the healthy migrant effect and Puerto Rican women, there are still many problems that exist in providing inclusive and holistic prenatal and perinatal care. Prenatal and perinatal care have a huge impact on the outcome of health for mothers and infants and so addressing the concerns and difficulties immigrants face in accessing these services is of great importance. Anthropologists, healthcare providers, and politicians must work together from an interdisciplinary approach in order to adequately address this human rights and public health issue.

References

 

Almeida, Lígia Moreira, José Caldas, Diogo Ayres-de-Campos, Dora Salcedo-Barrientos, 
and Sónia Dias. “Maternal Healthcare in Migrants: A Systematic Review.” Matern 
Child Health 17 (2013): 1346 – 1354. Accessed October 15, 2019. 


Committee on Health Care for Underserved Women. (2015). Health Care for Unauthorized Immigrants. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists. Retrieved from https://www.acog.org/-/media/Committee-Opinions/Committee-on-Health-Care-for-Underserved-Women/co627.pdf?dmc=1&ts=20191209T0743546347

Galarneau, Charlene. “Farm labor, reproductive justice: Migrant women farmworkers in the 
US.” Health and Human Rights 15, no. 1 (June 2013): 144-160. Accessed October 15, 2019. 

Gangon, Anita J, Franco Carnevale, Praem Mehta, Hélène Rousseau, and Donna E Stewart. 

“Developing population interventions with migrant women for maternal-child health: a focused ethnography.” BMC Public Health, 13 no. 471 (2013): 1-14. Accessed October 15, 2019. 

Landale, Nancy S. and R.S. Oropesa. “Migration, Social Support and Perinatal Health: An Origin-

Destination Analysis of Puerto Rican Women.” Journal of Health and Social Behavior 42, no. 2 (Jun., 2001): 166-183. Accessed October 14, 2019. 

Macfarlane, Alison, Edward Ng, Maureen Heaman, Babill Stray-Pedersen, Anita J Gangon, and 

ROAM collaboration. “International migration and adverse birth outcomes: role of ethnicity, region or origin and destination.” Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health 64, no. 3 (March 2010): 24-251. Accessed October 15, 2019. 

Perreira, Krista M. “Migration and Health Behaviour during Pregnancy.” BMJ: British Medical 
Journal 336, no. 7652 (May 10, 2008): 1027-1028. Accessed October 15, 2019. 

Taylor, Jamila, Cristina Novoa, Katie Hamm, and Shipla Phadke. “Elimination Racial Disparities 
in Maternal and Infant Mortality: A Comprehensive Policy Blueprint.” Center for American Progress. (2019): 1-75. Accessed October 15, 2019. 

United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division (2017). 
International Migration Report 2017: Highlights (ST/ESA/SER.A/404).

Villadsen, Sarah Fredsted, Luast Hvas, and Anne-Marie Nybo Anderson. “Care during 
pregnancy and childbirth for migrant women: How do we advance? Development of intervention studies – The case of the MAMAACT intervention in Denmark.” Best Practice & Research Clinical Obstetrics and Gynaecology 32 (2016): 100-112. Accessed October 15, 2019.

World Health Organization. Health of refugees and migrants: Practices in addressing the 
health needs of refugees and migrants (2018). Accessed October 15, 2019.